A Budget Comparison

Now that the House and Senate have passed their respective budgets, I thought it might be useful to do a comparison, at a high level, between the budgets.  The chart below provides a very simple way of looking at the budgets in aggregate, a level that is appropriate, given how unspecific budget resolutions tend to be.

Let's start with the spending side of the equation.  The CBO baseline has spending growth at 5.3% per year from 2013 to 2023.  The Ryan budget is at 3.4% per year and the Murray budget is at 4.8% per year.  All of these are higher than the projected rate of growth of inflation plus population.  Thus, real government spending per capita will increase under each of these budgets.  For example, under the Murray budget, real spending per capita grows from $11,229 in 2013 to $13, 697 in 2023.  In other words, even after accounting for the growth of inflation and population, the Murray budget spends about 20 percent more per person by the end of the 10 year period.

On the revenue side, the budgets are all pretty close.  The Murray budget increases taxes more than the Ryan budget (which basically duplicates the CBO baseline).  But again, all budgets grow spending far faster than GDP, meaning government revenues will expand faster than the growth of the economy.

What is interesting from my perspective is the 2.1 percentage point gap between GDP growth and forecast inflation plus population growth.  As I have discussed before, that gap is our budget opportunity.  A budget that grows spending at the rate of inflation plus population, while growing revenue at the rate of growth of GDP will always balance.  For example, starting from our forecast position in 2013, a budget designed along these lines would balance within 15 years, not quite as fast as the Ryan budget but a lot faster than anything else that has been proposed.

Another Silly NYT Editorial

One can always count on the New York Times editorial board for misleading commentary on matters budgetary.  Here is their latest installment. 

First, we have the customary dipsy doodle on tax expenditures, as if they were actual expenditures

Tax breaks work like spending. Giving a deduction for certain activities, like homeownership or retirement savings, is the same as writing a government check to subsidize those activities. Functionally, they mimic entitlements. Like Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security, they are available, year in and year out, in full, to all who qualify. Yet in budget talks, Republicans ignore tax entitlements, which flow mostly to high-income taxpayers, while pushing to cut Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security.

Giving a deduction is not the same as writing a government check unless one posits that the taxes necessary to write the check would come only from the person who received the deduction.  The fact that you can structure two things to accomplish the same task does not mean they are the same thing.  To take a very trivial example, I can use sunlight or burn natural gas to heat a substance but that does not mean that they are the same thing.

In accounting terms it's the difference between a counter (or contra) credit and a debit.  Although they have the same effect on net worth, they are not the same thing.  But this is the norm for those who favor higher taxes.  If we can equate higher taxes with lower spending, maybe we can confuse the masses enough to get what we want.

But that part is normal for the Times editorial board and is really an irreconcilable difference of opinion.  What's more annoying is the juxtaposition of two things.  First, we have a general description of the size and scope of tax expenditures.

Each year, the government doles out tax breaks worth $1.1 trillion. That is more than the cost of Medicare and Medicaid combined. It is more than Social Security. It tops the defense budget, and it tops the budget for nondefense discretionary programs, which include most everything else.

To get to the $1.1 trillion, one needs to include personal and corporate tax breaks, envision a tax code where capital income is taxes like wage income (which has never happened but maybe should).  The comparisons are tailored...as an example Medicare and Social Security taken together are larger than $1.1 trillion per yer and yet the Times ignores that comparison. 

But the editors follow this up with three examples of tax expenditures: Carried Interest, Nine Figure IRAs, and Like Kind Exchanges.  Of these three, the Times says carried interest costs the Treasury $13.4 over a decade or $1.3 billion per year.  Otherwise know as 0.1% of total tax expenditures.  Like Kind Exchanges cost the government $3 billion a year (or 0.3%) though the editors claim "...the amount could be much higher."  As for nine figure IRAs, the Times only says "[n]o one knows how much tax is avoided this way."

So to review, equate tax increases with spending reductions, quote a really big number to establish how important this is and then cite specific examples that account for less than 0.5% of the number.  I do wonder sometimes how things like this make their way into one of the nation's leading newspapers.

Real Budgeting is Still Better

As promised, I've updated my "real" budget projections on the basis of the CBO forecast that was just released (more observations from the CBO report coming up soon).  A quick summary of the assumptions and findings follows below.

Critical Assumptions

• Spending for each budget category grows at the relevant rate of growth of inflation and population.  Thus, Medicare spending grows at the rate of medical inflation (3.2% over the last 5 years) and the over 65 population (each year as projected by the Census)
• Tax receipts are as assumed in the CBO forecast
• Interest expense is calculated based on public debt and effective interest rate calculated from the CBO projections
• OCO spending assumed to decline to $50 billion and remain there
• Disaster spending rebased to $20 billion in 2013 and beyond
• Discretionary spending, Medicare, and Medicaid assumed to become 10% more efficient over the decade
• UI spending rebased to full employment economy per the numbers in the CBO forecast

The net effect of this is that all major class of spending grow, albeit most grow more slowly than in the CBO baseline forecast.  Medicare for example, grows at 5.3% per annum on average (including efficiency effect).  Defense (including OCO spending) grows at 0.4% per annum but continues to grow in nominal terms.

Meanwhile, revenue is projected to grow at 6.2% per annum.  The combination of these results in a rapid and continued reduction in deficit spending versus the CBO baseline.  I summarize the results in the two charts below.  First, we'll look at deficit to GDP ratios.

The basic change here comes in the medium and long term.  In the CBO forecast, the deficit picture deteriorates dramatically in the latter half of the forecast.  In the "real" baselines, the deficit picture continues to improve to 2023 ending the period nearly 300 basis points better as a percentage of GDP.

Not surprisingly, the debt picture is similar.  Instead of improving and then getting worse as in the CBO forecasts, the "real" budget picture continues to improve over the entire course of the forecast.  So the learning here remains.  A more restrained view of the growth of federal spending can dramatically improve the budget picture without making any major changes to the revenue side of the equation.

The Meaning of Words

It's one thing when false information is presented in opinion pieces, but when it's presented in news pieces, that's a horse of a different color.  For instance, we have this from Reuters by way of yahoo news.

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney said he thinks it is "fair" that he pays a lower tax rate on his investment income of $20 million last year than someone who made $50,000 annually.

Now, I strongly suspect that most readers would read this as asserting that the average taxpayer who makes $50,000 pays a higher federal tax rate than does Mitt Romney.  But of course, this isn't true.  Courtesy of the TPC, we can see that taxpayers in the $40,000 to $50,000 range average 12.1% in total federal taxes (excluding imputed corporate taxes) while taxpayers in the $50,000 to $75,000 range average 14.5%.  Asserting that people earning $50,000 pay more than Romney simply flies in the face of the numbers.

Or maybe the authors meant to argue there is some taxpayer who makes $50,000 who pays a higher rate than Romney.  This latter statement is almost certainly true but not, I think, a reasonable inference from the quoted paragraph.

Applying FICA tax to Mitt Romney

On another site on which I am a frequent participant, I was asked about the implications of applying the FICA tax to capital income.  It seems an interesting exercise so I did the calculations which I will repeat here.

Starting with the IRS SOI data from 2009 (the most recent year currently available), we can gather up the additional income that was reported and would be subject to a potential FICA tax on investment income.  This income totals to about $443 billion in 2009.  Were we to subject that income to the full employee side tax rate of 7.7% (6.2% for SS and 1.5% for Medicare), we'd get total taxes raised of about $34 billion.

Comparing this to total FICA taxes in 2009 of $890 billion according to the CBO suggests that applying FICA taxes to investment income would increase FICA tax receipts by a bit less than 4%.

But what of its affect on governor Romney?  Well, it would have raise his effective tax rate by 7.7 percentage points up to 21.8 percent.  So we can conclude that it would have made people feel better about governor Romney's taxes (maybe) but made little difference otherwise.

Principled Taxation

Having dealt with the principles underlying spending, let's turn to the topic of taxation.  Again, in my opinion, three principles are sufficient to help us design our tax code.

1. The tax code should pay for the spending we do.  This is particularly true of what we call the "base" spending.  A tax code that does not cover the spending we do is of no use from a budgetary perspective.
2. The tax code should be as simple as possible.  There is no reason for the extremely large numbers of exceptions, rate, alternative rates and so forth in the tax code.  This type of behavior is simply a giveaway by legislators to preferred constituencies of all types.
3. Income below a certain threshold should not be subject to tax.  It is entirely true that some income should be shielded from taxation since that income is necessary for subsistence.

In following these three principles, what type of tax code would we get?  Basically, we would wind up with a tax code that exempts income below a certain threshold, say 1.5 times the poverty level and has a single rate above that threshold.  This rate would apply to all income and would replace all personal income taxes, including the current FICA tax.

Some might object to taxing capital income at the same rate as wage income.  To me, there is an interesting debate to be had on this topic but that debate should occur on the corporate income tax side of the ledger.  Making the personal code more complex because of an argument about the corporate tax code to me makes relatively little sense.  Furthermore, the notion that capital income requires preferential treatment seems to me out of keeping with the current environment for capital (e.g., a very fluid, global, capital system).

Others might object that this system is not "progressive" because there is only one tax rate.  Of course, the outcomes are progressive (meaning the effective tax rates are progressive) despite the fact that the rate table is not.  

Finally, some would object that this type of a system would eliminate refundable credits, basically payments made through the tax code.  My argument is that these payments, should they be necessary, should simply be made through expenditures rather than through the manipulation of the tax code.

What would the rate need to be to make this type of a tax code work?  More on that in the next post when we run the numbers.

Talking about Tax Progressivity (Part 1)

This is a heavily technical post.  If you don't like heavily technical posts, just remember the picture below and skip to Part 2.

Over the next few posts (it’s going to take a few), we are going to take apart this chart.[1]

We’re going to do this for two reasons.  First, to make a point that I firmly believe having wandered the world of political websites, namely that you can find someone on some website to say what you believe and maybe even draw such a graph; however, to understand what’s going on, you need to dig into the numbers and dig hard.  Second, if you wander the world of political discussions, you invariably get into a discussion about the progressivity of the tax code and, when arguing with someone on the left, you invariably get a version of the chart above because, to a leftist, it says exactly what you want it to say…that is, see how much less the “rich” are taxed today (2004) than they were in the past.